Mesoclitic Romance futures and conditionals vs participle preposing
dc.contributor.author
dc.date.accessioned
2012-02-03T10:44:19Z
dc.date.available
2012-02-03T10:44:19Z
dc.date.issued
2011
dc.identifier.citation
Batllori Dillet, M. (2011). Mesoclitic Romance futures and conditionals vs participle preposing. A ‘Contribucions a Congressos (D-FL)’. Girona: Universitat. [Consulta: 2 febrer 2012]. Disponible a: http://hdl.handle.net/10256/3965
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dc.description
Comunicació presentada a: 13th Diachronic Generative Syntax Conference (DIGS XIII), celebrat a la University of Pennsylvania (UPEN),EUA, el 2-5 de juny de 2011
dc.description.abstract
(INFINITIVE + CLITIC + AUX) is an evidential configuration in Old Spanish and Old Catalan, whereas (PARTICIPLE + CLITIC + AUX) is an instance of weak or unmarked focus fronting. The evidentiality of mesoclitic structures can be put forward on the bases of three main arguments: a) mesoclisis is not compulsory (i.e., whenever you have a clitic, you can either have mesoclisis or proclisis/enclisis); b) mesoclitic futures and conditionals are
attested in interrogative sentences (with wh- elements); and c) they are not found in derived adverbial clauses (which is what you expect if they have an evidential value, since they bring about intervention effects corresponding to the derivational account of conditional and temporal sentences, for example - see Haegeman 2007 and ff.), and are related to high modal expressions (thus interfering with MoodPIrrealis)
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application/pdf
image/jpeg
dc.language.iso
eng
dc.relation.ispartofseries
Contribucions a Congressos (D-FL)
dc.rights
Aquest document està subjecte a una llicència Creative Commons: Reconeixement – No comercial – Sense obra derivada (by-nc-nd)
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dc.subject
dc.title
Mesoclitic Romance futures and conditionals vs participle preposing
dc.type
info:eu-repo/semantics/conferenceObject
dc.rights.accessRights
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess