http://hdl.handle.net/10256/8061 Wed, 18 Feb 2026 06:32:54 GMT 2026-02-18T06:32:54Z http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28220 Jueces penales y punitivismo en España = Penal judges and punitivism in Spain Blay Gil, Ester; Varona Gómez, Daniel; López Riba, José María; Jiménez García, Juan Ramon Este trabajo busca conocer el papel de los jueces en la deriva punitiva que según la doctrina mayoritaria caracteriza la evolución reciente del sistema penal español. Ello no es posible acudiendo a datos oficiales, por lo que recurrimos a investigaciones realizadas con datos primarios sobre imposición y ejecución de penas. Se comparan dos conjuntos de datos generales existentes correspondientes a 1998 y 2015/16 respectivamente. Para aislar la variable “juez”, se comparan únicamente los delitos contra la propiedad sin violencia ni intimidación, cuya penalidad no ha sufrido reformas legislativas relevantes. Los análisis permiten verificar que en 2015/16 se impuso en mayor medida la pena de prisión, aunque de menor duración que en 1998, y suspendida con mayor frecuencia. El trabajo concluye que, de acuerdo con los datos disponibles, los jueces españoles no parecen haber contribuido a la deriva punitiva experimentada por nuestro sistema penal; This paper aims at clarifying the role judges have played in the trend towards punitivism in Spain. Official data on punishment in Spain cannot be used to do this, so we resort to research conducted with primary data on the judicial imposition and implementation of sentences. We compare data from 1998 and 2015/16. In order to isolate the variable “judge” we only compare property crimes committed without violence or intimidation, because there have not been relevant legislative reforms concerning their publishment in the Criminal code. Statistical analyses show that in 2015/16 judges tended to impose prison sentences to a larger extent than in 1998, albeit they are shorter, and they suspend them more often. The paper concludes that, according to available data, Spanish judges do not seem to have contributed to a punitive growth in our penal system Fri, 01 Jan 2021 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28220 2021-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28193 La visita de Fidel Castro a Chile: antecedentes y desarrollo del encuentro entre dos caminos diferenciados hacia la revolución y el socialismo = Fidel Castro’s visit to Chile: background and development of the meeting between two different paths to revolution and socialism Rodriguez Suárez, Daniel El siguiente trabajo trata de demostrar que más allá de las diferencias entre la vía chilena y la cubana al socialismo, las verdaderas divergencias entre ambos modelos estuvieron asentadas en la forma de sostener las conquistas socialistas y no en el camino emprendido para llegar a ellas o la vía ensayada para hacerse con el poder. Cubanos y chilenos, como valedores de la soberanía, defendían su línea de acción, pero asumieron la legitimidad de la contraria. El viaje de Fidel Castro se presenta en última instancia como colofón del esfuerzo de ambos países para fomentar el consenso y ahuyentar las posibles desconfianzas; The following paper attempts to show that beyond the differences between the Chilean and Cuban paths to socialism, the real differences between the two models were based on the way of sustaining socialist conquests and not on the path taken to achieve them or the way to seize power. Cubans and Chileans, as defenders of sovereignty, defended their line of action, but assumed the legiti-macy of the opposite. Fidel Castro’s trip is ultimately presented as the culmination of an effort by both countries to foster consensus and ward off possible mistrust Mon, 16 Oct 2023 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28193 2023-10-16T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28192 Nicaragua 2020-2022: el cierre autoritario Martí i Puig, Salvador; Rodriguez Suárez, Daniel; Serra, Macià El articulo analiza la evolución del régimen político de Nicaragua en el período 2020-2022 a través del marco teórico de la regresión en la calidad de las democracias. Después de las protestas de 2018 el régimen, con una ya dudosa calidad democrática, tuvo que enfrentar la disyuntiva de negociar o reprimir. Optó por la segunda, y esta decisión se ha materializado en varias dimensiones. La aprobación de tres leyes ha reducido las libertades y ha creado un marco para la represión política y social. Se han encarcelado varios líderes opositores, y el proceso electoral de 2021 no fue competitivo ni avalado internacionalmente. En política exterior se ha alejado de su entorno regional y se ha alineado con Rusia. Por todo ello el artículo constata que se ha producido un cierre autoritario en Nicaragua; This article analyses the evolution of Nicaragua’s political regime in the period 2020-2022 through the theoretical framework of democratic regression. After the 2018 protests, the re-gime, with an already dubious democratic quality, was faced with the choice of negotiating or repressing. It opted for the latter, and this decision has manifested in several dimensions. The passing of three laws has curtailed freedoms and created a framework for political and social repression. Several opposition leaders have been imprisoned, and the 2021 electoral process was neither competitive nor internationally endorsed. In foreign policy it has dis-tanced from its regional environment and aligned itself with Russia. For all these reasons, the article argues that there has been an authoritarian closure in Nicaragua Sat, 23 Jul 2022 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28192 2022-07-23T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28191 The Culture of Emergency in Italy and Spain: State Antiterrorism Ubasart i González, Gemma After nearly six decades, on May 2, 2018, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) announced its dissolution. This announcement brought an end to the last ripples of the wave of political violence in Europe that began in the sixties, which coincided with a cycle of protests during the sixties and seventies. In response to serious political conflict and its drift toward armed violence, some liberal-democratic states established an antiterrorism framework involving legislative and practical transformations at every level of the criminal justice system. From a critical criminology perspective, the concept of a ‘culture of emergency’ was developed in the field of il garantismo in order to analyze the phenomenon. The present article explores the construction of this exceptionalism in two cases: that of Italy (‘revolutionary wave’) and of Spain (ETA). While attempting to identify a common pattern of emergency, this study also identifies the specificities of each conflict Wed, 01 Dec 2021 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/10256/28191 2021-12-01T00:00:00Z